Absence Of Populism In Colombia Essay Example for Free

Absence Of Populism In Colombia Essay The term populism refers to a political system where the leaders appeal directly to the people and seek the support of social sectors that are not adequately represented in the political arrangements that exist. In a populist system, the leaders tend to enjoy the support of the mass as a result of mass mobilization. In many Latin American nations such as Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador, Chile, Panama, Peru and Mexico, one or more administrations have adopted populist policies (Dornbusch and Edwards, pg. 7). However, populism has failed to emerge in Colombia raising the question of why populism is not part of the Colombian society. Although populism in Colombian was promoted by the political leader Jorge Eliecer Gaitan who was assassinated in 1948, populism failed to emerge after his death. Gaitan assassinated ended populist leadership in Columbia . Up to date, Colombia has managed to adopt a non-populist political system. Although the current Colombian President Alvaro Uribe leadership is considered to have some elements common with many populists, he is not a populist. The issue of absence of populism in Colombia in a continent dominated by populism and the reasons behind the absence needs to be examined. President Alvaro Uribe non-populist leadership has been attributed to his lack of interest in mobilizing masses and activating supporters. These factors are important elements in populism. This paper will explore the reasons behind absence of populism in Colombia by tracing historical events in the country. The paper will first present a belief history of Colombia and important events during the leadership of Jorge Gaitan. His emergence as a political leader and the peoples’ reaction to his emergence will be explored as well as the reasons behind lack of populism emergence after his death . Finally, the paper will evaluate President Uribe non-populist policies and why/how he has made great efforts to make Colombia prosper in absence of populism and left tendencies. Discussion A Brief overview of populism Populism embraces political representation that challenges the democratic political society where a highly polarized concept of society exists. Populist regimes like the ones that have been witnessed in Latin American emphasize on the social divide between the privileged who have benefited from the existing political practices and the underprivileged who account for the excluded majority (Coniff, pg. 22). Populist leaders claim to represent this underprivileged group that comprises of the poor and promise social justice. As a result, the leaders tend to reject any political intermediation that aim at limiting and checking their political power. Some political analysts consider populism to be nationalistic, authoritarian and depend on social mobilization for support. Many populist regimes often destroy traditional parties. The populist manifestation indicates that the traditional market reforms in a populist regime are unable to sustain economic growth, reduce poverty, generate employment opportunities and reduce inequality. Although populist leaders use democratic means to assume into political power, they are involved in undermining democratic institutions once they get into office. History of Colombia and events at the time of populist Jorge Eliecier Gaitan The collapse of the Gran Colombia 1830 led to the emergence of Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador. Colombia became a republic in 1886. Two major political parties, the Liberal and Conservative parties emerged in Colombia due to the differences between the followers of two leaders Paula Santander and Simon Bolivar These two parties dominated the Colombian politics for a long time. Gaitan became achieved national prestige through his efforts of addressing the issues of concern of the peasants. For instance, he was involved in a Congressional investigation of worker’s revolt and strike in 1929 in Santa Marta and also wrote on the excesses of management and repressive intervention of the army in Colombia. This made Gaitan win great popular prestige and become a hero among the peasants. He joined the left wing of the Liberal party after 1930s and managed to win Congressional elections in March 1947. He continued to strengthen his position and increase his popularity by trying to reach the masses and giving them hope The Colombian society comprised of the privileged who held political offices and the poor who considered Gaitan to fight for their rights. Peasant populism and rural protests were witnessed since the 1930s. Gaitan became a charismatic leader of the Liberal party (Sharpless, pg,36). His popularity and claims to fight for the welfare of the masses attracted hundreds of thousands of low income Colombians and Union members in his political meetings. He was admired for denouncing moral, social and economic events that oppressed the masses which he promised to eliminate with cooperation and support from the people . His claim to champion the cause of the masses increased populism. The people, most of whom were peasants and low income earners were attracted by Gaitans leadership. For instance, the issue of land reforms which he seemed to address was of great concern to the people. For example, by mobilizing the masses to protest through the streets of Bogota in February 1948, Gaitan gained the support of the masses . He was assassinated two months later, an event that triggered the â€Å"La violencia†. This was characterized by confrontation between the Conservative and Liberal parties’ supporters and hostilities between classes. The Colombian society experienced violence and instability. Non-populism in Colombia after Gaitan’s death .The absence of populist regimes in Colombia in the 1930s and 1940s as well as the political instability that was witnessed in Colombia (Dix, pg. 342). After Gaitan’s assassination made it impossible for the political leaders to put into place populist regime in Colombia. Uncontrolled human confrontation in Bogota spread to the country side where bands were organized to create terror. La Violencia is estimated to have led to the deaths of more than 200,000 people over duration of eighteen years, the 1948 – 1958 periods was bloodiest . One of the most powerful guerilla group in Colombia, and known as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) was the product of this conflict. The period after Gaitan’s death was marked by lack of hope in the masses and the political society. Armed confrontation was characterized by rebellions and riots between 1948 and 1966(Hylton, pg. 40). Because populism requires leaders to mobilize the masses, violence drove Colombia into a politically unstable nation. The political instability that was experienced in the country made it impossible for the political leaders to secure leadership through populism. There was mass social frustration due to the killings and displacement of a large number of people. Those who had believed that Jorge Gaitan was the only hope for improving the lives of the masses were disappointed. In Bogota and the Mariano Ospina’s government struggled to restore order in Colombia. However, the rural violence that was witnessed triggered a state of undeclared civil war and violence spread throughout the country. Only the southernmost parts of Marino and Caribbean coastal area were spared. The violence phenomenon became complex and was characterized by sheer rural banditry as well as partisan political rivalry (Roldan, pg. 93). The political rivalry undermined the emergence of populism because this period of internal disorder led to the refusal by successive Colombian governments to give in to the peoples’ demand for social economic change. The repressive nature of the Ospina government undermined efforts of political leadership to participate in political meetings or engage in efforts that could increase one’s popularity but undermine the government. Violence and instability continued (Palacios, pg. 72). For example, the government on March 1949 banned all public meetings and had all Liberal governors leave their positions. These measures were being taken to restore order in the country. Furthermore, the government in 1949 ordered the closure of Congress. This meant that the political system in Colombia could no longer function as usual. The rural police forces intensified efforts to fight the Liberals and the belligerents. As a result, the liberals protest led to the liberals’ eventual resignation form their positions and as a result, protests by the Liberals continued. The failure by the Liberal party to contest during the presidential elections had Laureano Gomez, a Conservative candidate take over office in 1950. Gomez was the leader of a reactionary faction and preferred authority and order. The constitution that was drafted under Gomez’s’ guidance in 1953 was expected to expand the powers of departmental governors and enhance presidential autonomy. In order to contain the mounting violence and to prevent the regaining of power by the liberals, Gomez tried to curtail avail liberties and to acquire broad powers. In addition, the independent labor unions were removed and the congressional elections were held without any opposition. Other measures that the Gomez administration put into place included the control of courts by the executive, censoring of the press. Gomez also directed his repression against the Liberal opposition. There was relative economic prosperity during this time due to the expansion of the export markets and foreign investment increase. However, Gomez lost support due to military establishment, attacks on moderate conservatives. Gomez illness in 1951 had Roberto Urdaneta become the acting president. General Gustavo Rojas took over power in 1953 and military leadership that was witnessed in the country continued to undermine political participation and democracy in the country. In the 1960s, armed conflicts whereby left-wing insurgents, government forces and right-wing paramilitaries were witnessed in Colombia. There was lack of civil authority and public order and intense military operations were undertaken to counter the opposition. Rojas was however removed from power in 1957 leading to the restoration of civilian rule after some moderate Liberals and Conservatives formed a bipartisan coalition known as the National Front. Alberto Lleras Camargo served as Colombia’s president upto 1962. All these events made it difficult for populist regimes to emerge again in Colombia and up to date, Colombian leadership is still non-populist. Alvaro Uribe’s policies and non-populism The absence of populism in Colombia is unique in a continent where populist politics are still evident today . The current Colombian President Alvaro Uribe policies are not populist despite having some elements of populism. President Uribes is now in his second term in office. His policies have not aimed at increasing mass support for his government. In populist regimes, government policies tend to be implemented in a manner that tries to win the support of the masses. Since Uribe assumed into power, he has not advocated for policies that aim at addressing the needs of all the citizens. Instead, he has focused on improving economic development and improving security in the country. The main reason why Uribe is not populist can therefore be attributed to the fact that he has not made efforts to mobilize masses and cultivate supporters. Rather than focusing on efforts to uplift the poor in order to gain the support of the masses, President Uribe policies emphasize on improving economic growth and security. As a result, since his elections into office in 2002, he has received high approval ratings due to his policies that have promoted sustained economic growth, security and continuous implementation of sound social programs. The domestic security policy that Uribe has adopted plays a critical role in promoting democratic representation in governance. The policy was unveiled in 2003 and the efforts by Uribe’s administration to deepen democracy and strengthen democratic representation have ensured that democratic institutions have not been undermined to create populism. After being elected into office and inaugurated on 7th August 2002, President Uribe introduced radical policies to improve security. Insecurity in Colombia due to violence has for decades undermined economic and social development. President Uribe is a tough conservative whose political life has focused in fighting rebels and illegal armed groups in the country which cause the instability. The landslide victory for the second term provided him with adequate time to address the issue of drug trafficking and armed groups. The democratic security policy seeks to cater for the wellbeing of all Colombians. (The Uribe Administrations Democratic Security and Defense Policy, pg 1). The Colombian government has been working together with the US to fight drug trafficking groups and leftist insurgent groups by consolidating state control so that the country is not a sanctuary of perpetrators of violence, terrorists and drug traffickers (Kirk, pg 52). This has protected the entire population from illegal drug trade and victimization by illegal armed groups. The government social programs have been well planned and coordinated unlike in populist regimes. The programs receive consistent and great financial support from the government in order to increase social and economic development across the country. In other populist regimes in Latin America, social programs are poorly coordinated, fail to reach the targeted beneficiaries and receive huge funds during the election period. This has not been the case for Colombia. Uribe’s social programs to improve the living standards of the people by reducing inequalities has minimized sectoral and class conflicts in Colombia (US Central Intelligence,np) Agency. Populism is established when inequalities are not eliminated hence they create a social divide between the privileged and the underprivileged. In addition, populism is promoted when a large group of people who feel that they very minimal benefits from economic development support populists who promise to improve their welfare. In Colombia, the social divide has been addressed by the economic policy that has been implemented to improve income distribution. The benefits of the social programs reach the expected beneficiaries. The element of clientelism that still exists in Colombia prevents enlarged political participation and mobilization. The political system is supported by faithfulness and loyalty and together with the development of professional class of politicians who are committed to intermediating between the voters and the state has made it difficult for populists to succeed. The government has accepted limits and checks in governance and intermediation between the state and the civil society is possible. Uribe’s leadership has not in any way attempted to mobilize the masses in efforts to overcome inequality and poverty. The efforts to improve leadership and promote democracy in the government oppose the utilization of state resources for personal interests or to maximize political support. This is a clear indication that Uribe is not a populist. However, his efforts to have the constitution amended so that he may run for a third term in office has made him resemble the populist presidents who undermine traditional institutions of democracy. President Uribe has shown great commitment in maintaining democratic institutions and addressing the needs of Colombia as a nation rather than focusing on issues that increase the support of the masses. Why and how President Uribe efforts to make Colombia prosperous President Uribe has been making great efforts to make Colombia a prosperous nation free of populism and leftist tendencies. Populism and leftist tendencies undermine democratic institutions and result to political instability that compromises prosperity of a nation. Political stability is meant to support economic prosperity which improves the living standards of the poor. This narrows the social divide that allows populism to contribute to low economic and social development. For instance, the presence of leftist armed groups for decades has made it impossible for the government and the people to increase economic prosperity. The primary groups that are considered to be a threat to Colombia’s stability and peace are the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the ELN guerillas. These groups rely on criminal activities to generate funds. War and drug trade have derailed economic prosperity in Colombia for a long time (Livingstone, pg. 21). This has turned Colombia into one of the world’s largest center for drug trafficking. President Uribe democratic security policy has improved both the national security and economic growth due to stability. In Uribe’s administration government policies, lack of populism is clear . This has been achieved by ensuring that market reforms move towards sustaining economic growth, reduction of poverty and unemployment as well as a reduction in inequality. Uribe’s economic policy has been able to move away from economic populism where emphasis is placed on the risk of deficit finance and inflation, reaction of economic agents on non-market policies and external constraints. Rather than mobilize the masses through the implementation of social programs that never benefit the people, Uribe’s government has developed and implemented sound social programs that distribute resources equally and have the living standards of the underprivileged improved. In other Latin American nations, social programs are implemented by the political leaders to win the support of the masses. Unfortunately, the people never benefit from the programs because a large proportion of the financial resources put aside to support the programs is either wasted or embezzled. The allocation of resources to support government programs has been consistent, an issue that has improved economic growth in Colombia. Transparency and democracy ensure that leaders are responsible and accountable. By improving the living standards of the people across the nation, Uribe’s leadership has made it difficult for political leaders to become populists by claiming to represent the underprivileged. The presence of leftist groups in Colombia has led to blood shed, prosperity of the drug trade and social injustice. These groups have been involved in the drug trade and in the rural areas impose their rules on the people. The domestic security policy has aimed at defeating armed groups such as the ELN and FARC. The president has expressed concern that some of the major security threats in Colombia include narcotics trade and terrorism. He has therefore taken a hard line stance against guerillas. Together with the assistance from its neighbors and the US, the Colombian government has managed to force out rebels from Colombia’s cities and towns. For example, the government has succeeded in fighting the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. The need to restore peace in the country and invest in improving the welfare of the people has become a priority. For example, the security program that is implemented is expected to increase judicial action against the perpetrators of crimes with high social impact, restore peace, reduce human rights violation as well as the dismantle terrorist or leftist groups. The security policy is expected to demobilize illegal groups, increase intelligence capacity, engage civilians in leadership and increase defense spending. Colombia is engaged in regional economic cooperation as a means of improving regional economic growth, political stability and security. For instance, President Uribe has been able to put aside political differences that Colombia has had with its neighbours such as Venezuela to pursue economic progress. Furthermore, because the neigbouring nations are concerned about the presence of illegal armed groups in Colombia, bilateral relations have made it possible for the nations to fight leftist groups together. Regional economic growth has had positive impact on the Colombian economy. President Uribe has been working hard to strengthen government institutions that increase freedom. For example, in 2004, President Uribe managed to engage citizens throughout the country in governance after he established a government present in about 1,099 municipalities in Colombia. President Alvaro Uribe supports free trade policies and has attempted to fight internal forces that cause political instability which affect the country’s economic and social development for decades. He has strong domestic policies that support government programs that empower people economically. For example, his administration supports economic cooperation with its neigbours. Diplomatic ties with the neighbours in Latin America has been supported, economic development supported and efforts to combat leftist tendencies improved. The Colombian government has been involved in expanding the country’s participation in the international trade, strengthening the rule of law, promoting good governanace, protecting human rights and reducing poverty (US Central Intelligence Agency, np). Conclusion Populism has been a common element in Latin American nations whereby the leaders attempt to win the support of the masses through mobilization. Countries such as Chile, Peru and Brazil have had populist political parties dominate political leadership. However, Colombia is a Latin American country that has managed to maintain non-populism since the death of the populist Jorge Gaitan in 1948. The current Colombian President Alvaro Uribe policies have shown that he is not a populist. In addition, great efforts by Uribe to make Colombia prosperous free of populism and leftist groups have been successful. Works Cited Conniff, Michael. Populism in Latin America. University of Alabama Press, 1999 Dix, Robert. The Varieties of Populism; the case of Colombia. Western. Political Quarterly, 31, 334-351, 1978 Dornbusch, Rudiger and Edwards, Sebastian. Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America, University of Chicago Press, 1991 Hylton, Forrest. Evil Hour in Colombia. New York: Verso Books, 2006 Kirk, Robin . More Terrible Than Death: Drugs, Violence, and Americas War in Colombia. United States: PublicAffairs, 2004 Livingstone, Grace. Inside Colombia: Drugs, Democracy, and War. Rutgers University Press, 2004 Palacios, Marco. Between Legitimacy and Violence: A History of Colombia, 1875– 2002. United States of America: Duke University Press, 2006 Roldan, Mary. Blood and Fire; La Violencia in Antioquia, Colombia, 1946-1953. Duke University Press, 2002 Sharpless, Richard. Gaitan of Colombia: a political biography. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1978 The Uribe Administrations Democratic Security and Defense Policy. Embassy of Colombia. Accessed on April, 29 2010from http://www. presidencia. gov. co/sne/visita_bush/documentos/security. pdf Urrutia, Miguel. On the Absence of Economic Populism in Colombia. University of Chicago Press, 1991 US Central Intelligence Agency. Colombia. Accessed on April 29, 2010 from; https://www. cia. gov/library/ /the /co. html

The Electric Power Consumption

The Electric Power Consumption In parallel with swift economic growth, energy demand and consumption grow at a faster rate. Like other countries, Malaysia heavily relies upon fossil fuels as their primary energy source in generating electricity. At production level in 2005, it is proven that oil reserves in Malaysia are expected to last another 19 years while natural gas reserves are expected to last for about 33 years (Apec energy demand,). Hence, a crucial move needs to be done to diverse energy source in order to delay the energy depletion as well as to meet the current energy demand. Referring to Figure 1.1, Malaysiaà ¢Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ ¬Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢s primary energy demand is projected grow at an annual rate of 3.5 percent, to reach 146.7Mtoe in 2030, a 2.6-fold increase from 2002. Energy demand continues to rise in order to meet the rising electricity demand (Apec energy demand,). In addition, combustion of fossil fuel in electricity generation contributes significantly to air pollution as it emits greenhouse gases which lead to global warming. Referring to Figure 1.2, electric power consumption (kWh per Capita) in Malaysia was reported at about 800 in 1985, at 3428 in 2008 and finally risen up to 3613.53 in 2009 (Electric power consumption, ). This also indicates that the rate of GHGs emission rises over years. Some renewable energy sources such as solar energy, hydropower and biomass are promising alternative energy sources in reducing the dependency of fossil fuel and to diversify energy sources, as well as to reduce pollution to the environment. The future success of bioenergy developments in Malaysia depend on many factors, such as the policy framework conditions, the availability of suitable and high efficient conversion technologies, the long term and cost effective biomass fuels supply security, and the impacts on environmental and social issues. Malaysia is a tropical country and the climate is providing an excellent environment for biomass production. Also, Malaysia is known as one of the leading producers of paddy and is endowed with abundance of agricultural biomass resources. Bioenergy is the most important renewable energy in use today. The demand for biomass as energy source will inevitably increase over time, putting pressure on fuel supply security and associated topics. If sustainability requirements do not receive the necessary consideration, this pressure might affect pricing for agricultural products and food security supply aspects too. For this reason, the use of agricultural residues as energy sources offers a promising opportunity to promote the future development of bioenergy utilisation. Since using agricultural residues as energy sources will not interfere with food security, such fuels will meet the requirements for a future sustainable based energy supply. Problem Statement Normally, paddy cultivation leaves a huge amount of paddy waste such as paddy straws and paddy husks. Although there are a few methods in reusing paddy straws, such as animal feed, cooking fuel, a significant amount of paddy straw remains unused and in order to get rid of the paddy waste, open burning of paddy waste is the most common way, contributing environmental and safety issues, such as air pollution and fire disaster. However, paddy waste is a very useful organic material in producing biogas through anaerobic digestion, thus providing an alternative use and mitigating the pollution problems. In order to utilise biogas produced by paddy waste, conversion techniques have to be technically efficient, economically competitive and environmentally friendly. Biogas and its Potential of Paddy Waste Biogas is generated by the digestion of biodegradable organic wastes in the absence of oxygen, so called anaerobic process. A range of organic wastes can be used as raw materials for the production of biogas; they are agricultural wastes, animal manure, sewage sludge and many more. The major component of biogas, which is methane, is nowadays considered as one of the most important source of energy for heating and electricity generation as well as vehicle fuel. Aims and Objectives As a whole, the aim of this project is to study the production and utilisation of biogas from paddy waste. Several specific objectives are listed as follows: To review current status of energy demand and consumption in Malaysia. To understand the technologies available for biomass power plant, develop and incorporate a concept of sustainable process in the current technologies. To determine process equipments sequence and create process flow diagram. To perform process mass balances through the simulation of the entire system. To access safety and health factors in designing and minimise impacts to the environment. To consider other factors for a successful and sustainable system and operation.

Cause and Effects of the Rise in Cohabitation

Cause and Effects of the Rise in Cohabitation Recent decades have witnessed a dramatic rise in cohabitation in much of Western Europe including the United Kingdom (Ermisch 2005; Ermisch and Francesconi 2000a; Haskey 2001; Kiernan 2001; Murphy 2000). This rise has taken place against a dramatic decline in marriage rates. A so-called golden age of marriage that prevailed in the United Kingdom from the 1950s up to the 1970s (Festy, 1980), has been eroded. Marriage is no longer the exclusive marker of first union nor the pre-eminent context within which children are born; (Kiernan, 2001). The decline in the popularity of marriage indicates that no longer is marriage seen as the only organizing principle for relationships (Hall, 1993: 8) and therefore legal marriage has given way to a variety of optional non-traditional forms of living together (Boh, 1989: This essay will seek to examine whether the rise in cohabitation will witness a decline in marriage to a point where marriage is a rare phenomenon. This will entail an analysis of statistical evidence on both cohabitation and marriage and the explanations that have been provided. These include notions of selfish individualism (Morgan, 2000), notions of the democratic, consensual and pure relationship (Giddens, 1992; Beck-Gernsheim, 2000), Beckers (1973, 1981) model of marriage, the common-law marriage myth, commitment in cohabiting partnerships, and the use of lived law to create a DIY variety of marriage (Duncan et. al. 2005). The 1960s and the early 1970s was a golden age of marriage in the United Kingdom during which marriage was highly popular among the young ages (Kiernan Eldridge 1987) and a record peak of 480,285 marriages was recorded in 1972 (ONS, 2008). However, since the 1970s there have been considerable changes amounting to a structural shift in individuals demographic behaviour and societal norms (Haskey, 2001) and among these are increases in divorce and in cohabitation, that is, in couples who live together in intimate relationships without being legally married. Similarly, Ferri et al. (2003) have documented several demographic changes which led social commentators to lament the end of marriage. These include significant rises in cohabitation, divorce, lone parent families, single parent households, children born out of marriage and age of marriage.   These changes, it was assumed, led to the disintegration of traditional structures and codes and ultimately to the end of marriage. Statistical evidence indeed shows that there has been a long-term decline in marriage rates and a significant rise in cohabitation. From 1971 to 1995 first marriage rates fell by 90% for teenage women and 80% for women aged 20-24. Median age at first marriage rose from 23.4 to 27.9 yrs for men and 21.4 to 26.0 years for women (Murphy and Wang 1999). The decline in remarriage rates has been even more pronounced. For divorced men, the remarriage rate has fallen by 75% since 1971 (Murphy and Wang 1999). There were 311,000 marriages in the UK in 2004 and this figure fell to 270,000 in 2007. This represents almost half the number of marriages that took place in 1972 when marriage peaked (ONS 2009). On the other hand, cohabiting is the fastest growing family type in the UK (with the proportion of cohabiting couple families increasing from 9% to 14% between 1996 and 2006), (ONS, 2009). Among single women marrying during the latter part of the 1990s, 77% had cohabited with their future husband, compared with 33% of those marrying during the late 1970s, and only 6% of those marrying in the late 1960s (Haskey 2001). During the 1960s, 40% of remarriages were preceded by a period of cohabitation; and this figured had soared to around 85% in 2000. (Murphy 2000). The 2001 Census recorded just over 2 million cohabiting couples in England and Wales (a 67% increase from 1991). When the new form of cohabitation arrived in the 1970s it was mainly a child-free prelude to marriage. Increasingly, children are being born to cohabiting couples. In 2006, 56% of births in England and Wales were outside of marriage compared with 8% in 19z71. (ONS, 2009). Between 1996 and 2006, the number of cohabiti ng couples in the UK increased by over 60%, from 1.4 million to 2.3 million, ONS, 2009). The number of cohabiting couples in England and Wales is projected to almost double to 3.8 million by 2031 (which will be over one in four couples on this projection). (ONS, 2009). Social theorists have conceptualized these trends in terms of individualization theory. The theory which includes notions of the democratic, consensual and pure relationship (Giddens, 1992; Beck-Gernsheim, 2000) and notions of selfish individualism (Morgan, 2000), has emerged as the dominant contested theoretical approach in explaining whether the rise in cohabitation means the end of marriage. According to the former, modern society is viewed as having entered a late modern epoch of de-traditionalisation and individualisation in which traditional rules and institutional frameworks have lost ground, only to be replaced by more modern and rational rules (Beck, 1992 and Giddens, 1992, 1994). Institutional forces such as education, the modern economy and the welfare state have freed individuals from externally imposed constraints, moral codes and traditional customs, a development which Beck (1994) says is a disembedding of individual lives from the structural fabric of social instituti ons and age-specific norms. According to Brannen and Nilsen (2005), social class no longer has the same structuring role that it once had.   Individuals who used to have a standard biography no longer have pre-given life trajectories but are instead compelled to reflexively make their own choices and hence create their own biographies. At the same time, the project of self, with an emphasis on individual self-fulfillment and personal development, comes to replace relational, social aims. This results in families of choice which are diverse, fluid and unresolved, constantly chosen and re-chosen (Weeks 2001) and which Hardill, (2002) refer to as the postmodern household. In families of choice all issues are subject to negotiation and decision making (Beck and Beck- Gernsheim1995, Beck-Gernsheim 2002). Individuals are seen as preferring cohabitation to marriage because they wish to keep their options and their negotiations open ( Wu, 2000). The individualisation theory sees modern relationships as being based on individual fulfillment and consensual love, with sexual and emotional equality, replacing formal unions based on socially prescribed gender roles. Sexuality is largely freed from institutional, normative and patriarchal control as well as from reproduction, producing a plastic sexuality, which serves more as means of self-expression and selfactualisation rather than as a means to reproduction and cementing institutionalized partnership (Giddens, 1992). Giddens argues that that such plastic sexuality as part of the project of self is realized in pure relationships an ideal type that isolates what is most characteristic for intimacy in reflexive modernity, Giddens (1991, 1992).   This is pure because it is entered into for its own sake and for the satisfaction it provides to the individuals involved. The pure relationship must therefore be characterized by openness, involvement, reciprocity and closeness, a nd it presupposes emotional and sexual democracy and equality, Giddens (1991, 1992). According to Cherlin (2004:853), the pure relationship is not tied to an institution such as marriage or the desire to raise children. Rather, it is free-floating, independent of social institutions or economic life. The individualisation theory asserts that these changes in relationships contribute towards the decentring of the married, co-resident, heterosexual couple. It no longer occupies the centre-ground statistically, normatively, or as a way of life (Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; Roseneil and Budgeon, 2004). Instead other forms of living such as cohabitation, living alone, lone parenting, same-sex partnerships, or living apart have become more common and are both experienced and perceived as equally valid. However, most English-speaking commentators (e.g. Morgan, 1995, 2000, 2003; Bellah et al., 1985; Popenoe, 1993; Dnes and Rowthorne, 2002) have developed a pessimistic view of family change. In cohabitation they have seen a moral decline and its harmful effects on society, a loss of family values, individual alienation, social breakdown, rise in crime and other social ills and social, emotional and educational damage to children. For them, the trend in statistics is clear evidence of selfish individualism and have thus advocated for turning the clock back by promoting marriage among other things. Morgan (1995) for instance, argues that without the traditional family to socialize children and in particular to provide role models and discipline for young men, delinquency and crime will escalate and society as a whole will be at risk. To avoid this social policy should seek positively to support marriage and promote traditional gender roles for men and women. According to Morgan (2003), cohabiting relationships are fragile. They are always more likely to break up than marriages entered into at the same time, regardless of age or income. On average, cohabitations last less than two years before breaking up or converting to marriage. Less than four per cent of cohabitations last for ten years or more. She also believes that cohabitation should be seen primarily as a prelude to marriage but increasingly it is part of a pattern which simply reflects an increase in sexual partners and partner change (Morgan, 2003:127). Morgan (1999) also argues that cohabitation is concentrated among the less educated, less skilled and the unemployed. The individualization theory in its various versions, has been seen as having its merit in terms of indicating trends in post-modern societies, but has been criticized for lacking reliable methodologies and for lacking empirical and historical evidence. According to Thernborn (2004), individualisation theory should be seen as a geographically and historically limited exaggeration among the variety and long durà ©es of socio-sexual systems. Individualisation theory is seen as largely resting on the evidence of qualitative work using purposive samples of particular social groups in particular contexts and localities. They do not often use representative samples or total population figures which can accurately portray overall social patterns. According to Sayer (1992) individualization theorists have used intensive research design which are indeed in-depth and able to access social process more directly, and understand its context but points out that such work needs to be complemented by extensive research on patterns and distributions, using representative survey for example. Duncan and Edwards (1999) share the same view that the use of both intensive and extensive research designs will enable generalizations to be made. In addition intensive work will enable better interpretation of the representative patterns revealed by extensive work and to link process to pattern directly rather than depending upon post-hoc deduction, (Duncan and Edwards 1999). Critics of the individualisation theory have argued that the theory underplays the significance of the social and geographical patterning of values and behaviour and neglects the importance of local cultural and social contexts. According to Duncan and Irwin structures of economic necessity, social groups and moral codes have not gone away, although they may have changed. Family forms are still deeply influenced by local structural conditions or contexts and although people might be less constrained by older traditions, this does not necessarily mean individualisation. The traditional structures of class, gender, religion and so on have a continuing importance, (Duncan and Irwin, 2004, 2005). Individualisation theory assumes that individuals can exercise choice and shape their lives. However, the theory has been criticized for taking insufficient account of the context in which individuals make their choices. Critics of individualisation have pointed out, peoples capacity to make choices, for example in respect of separation and divorce, must depend in large measure on their environment, whether for example, on the constraints of poverty, social class and gender, or, more positively, on the safety net provided by the welfare state (Lasch, 1994; Lewis, 2001a). In addition, the context in which people are making their choices is constantly shifting. Thus the meaning of what it is to be married, or to be a parent has changed and continues to change. Actors will in all likelihood be affected by these changes over their own life course and must expect to have to re-visit the decisions they have made, for example in respect of the division of paid and unpaid work, especially at critical points of transition such as parenthood. Charles and Harris (2004) have argued that choices regarding work/life balance are different at different states of the lifecycle. The individualization theory in its various versions, has been seen as having its merit in terms of indicating trends in post-modern societies, but has been criticized for lacking reliable methodologies and for lacking empirical and historical evidence. According to Thernborn (2004), individualisation theory should be seen as a geographically and historically limited exaggeration among the variety and long durà ©es of socio-sexual systems. Individualisation theory is seen as largely resting on the evidence of qualitative work using purposive samples of particular social groups in particular contexts and localities. They do not often use representative samples or total population figures which can accurately portray overall social patterns. According to Sayer (1992) individualization theorists have used intensive research design which are indeed in-depth and able to access social process more directly, and understand its context but points out that such work needs to be complemented by extensive research on patterns and distributions, using representative survey for example. Duncan and Edwards (1999) share the same view that the use of both intensive and extensive research designs will enable generalizations to be made. In addition intensive work will enable better interpretation of the representative patterns revealed by extensive work and to link process to pattern directly rather than depending upon post-hoc deduction, (Duncan and Edwards 1999). Critics of the individualisation theory have argued that the theory underplays the significance of the social and geographical patterning of values and behaviour and neglects the importance of local cultural and social contexts. According to Duncan and Irwin structures of economic necessity, social groups and moral codes have not gone away, although they may have changed. Family forms are still deeply influenced by local structural conditions or contexts and although people might be less constrained by older traditions, this does not necessarily mean individualisation. The traditional structures of class, gender, religion and so on have a continuing importance, (Duncan and Irwin, 2004, 2005). Individualisation theory assumes that individuals can exercise choice and shape their lives. However, the theory has been criticized for taking insufficient account of the context in which individuals make their choices. Critics of individualisation have pointed out, peoples capacity to make choices must depend in large measure on their environment, whether for example, on the constraints of poverty, social class and gender, or, more positively, on the safety net provided by the welfare state (Lasch, 1994; Lewis, 2001a). According to Lupton and Tulloch, (2002), peoples choices may depend in part on the consideration they give to the welfare of others, and on how far others influence the way in which they frame their choices. In addition, the context in which people are making their choices is constantly shifting. Thus the meaning of what it is to be married, or to be a parent has changed and continues to change. Charles and Harris (2004) have argued that choices regarding work/life b alance are different at different states of the lifecycle. Scholars have examined public attitudes towards marriage and cohabitation in order to assess whether the trends in statistics confirm the deinstitutionalisation of marriage (Cherlin, 1994), in which an increase in the acceptability of cohabitation can be interpreted as evidence for weakening of the social norms. Using data from a number of British Social Attitude Surveys, Barlow et. al. found clear evidence of changing public attitudes. More and more people in the United Kingdom were accepting cohabitation both as a partnering and parenting structure, regardless of whether it is undertaken as a prelude or alternative to marriage. In 1994, 70 per cent agreed that People who want children ought to get married, but by 2000 almost half (54 per cent) thought that there was no need to get married in order to have children; cohabitation was good enough. They found increasingly liberal attitudes to pre-marital sex, with the proportion thinking that it was not wrong at all increasing from 42 per cent in 1984 to 62 per cent in 2000. By 2000 more than two-thirds of respondents (67 per cent) agreed it was all right for a couple to live together without intending to get married, and 56 per cent thought it was a good idea for a couple who intend to get married to live together first. Studies by Dyer (1999) and Barlow et al. (2005) found there was a clear difference in attitudes towards cohabitation from young and old generations, indicating a shift in social viewpoint to an acceptance of cohabitation. The younger age groups were more likely to find cohabitation acceptable than older age groups, but all age groups had moved some way towards greater acceptance of pre-marital sex and cohabitation. Barlow et al. argue that over time there is a strong likelihood that society will become more liberal still on these matters, although particular groups, such as the religious, are likely to remain more traditional than the rest. This change in public attitude is echoed by former Home Secretary, Jack Straw who was quoted in the Daily Mail as saying the important thing is the quality of the relationship, not the institution itself (Daily Mail, 16th June, 1999). This acceptance in politics as well as in society is probably one reason why people drift into cohabitation. Barlo w et a!. suggest Britain will probably move towards a Scandinavian pattern, therefore, where long- term cohabitation is widely seen as quite normal, and where marriage is more of a lifestyle choice than an expected part of life. Barlow et al, however, do not interpret the public attitudes to indicate the breakdown or end of marriage as a respected institution. In the 2000 survey, 59 per cent agreed that marriage is still the best kind of relationship. A mere 9 per cent agreed that there is no point getting married it is only a piece of paper, while 73 per cent disagreed. Despite the increasing acceptance of cohabitation, Barlow et al. therefore argue that, overall, marriage is still widely valued as an ideal, but that it is regarded with much more ambivalence when it comes to everyday partnering and   parenting. While only 28 per cent agree that married couples make better parents, just 40 per cent disagree figures virtually unchanged since 2000, (Barlow et al, 2005) According to Barlow et al. (2005), there is a body of   qualitative research that shows that for many cohabitants, living together is seen as a form of marriage rather than an alternative. Moreover, just as the majority think that sex outside marriage is wrong, the same applies to sex outside cohabitation: the large majority of cohabitants, over 80 per cent, think that sex outside a cohabiting relationship is wrong, (Erens et al., 2003). These findings give little support to the notion that many people cohabit outside marriage because cohabitation is more congruent with a project of the self, as individualisation theory would have it (Hall, 1996). Instead research seems to indicate that many traditional norms about relationships still hold true and cohabitation is seen as the equivalent of marriage. According to Barlow et al, (2008), cohabitation is socially accepted as equivalent to marriage and whilst marriage is seen as ideal, social attitudes show great tolerance to differ ent styles of partnering and parenting relationships.

Television and Media - Relationship between Society and the Media :: Exploratory Essays Research Papers

The Relationship between Society and the Media As Americans we take pride in our liberating government. But, it is essential to ask how much we, the general public, know about our democracy. Because of the representative structure of our government, it is in our best interest to remain as knowledgeable as possible about political affairs so that we can play an active role in our democracy by voting for candidates and issues. The media, which includes print, television, and the internet, is our primary link to political events and issues. (For the purposes of this essay only print and television will be considered.) Therefore, in order to assess the success of our democracy it is necessary to assess the soundness of our media. We are lucky enough to have a media, in theory, free from government influences because of our rights to freedom of press and freedom of speech, but we are still subject to the media’s interpretation and presentation of politics, as is the danger when depending on any source for information. So, we mu st address how the media informs us; how successful it is at doing so; and how we should respond to it. This essay will show, unfortunately, that our democracy is not as healthy as it potentially could be because of television and print’s inadequate coverage of politics and the public’s resultant frustration and lack of knowledge. The reason this occurs is not because the media is trying to restrict our role in the government, but because it has other agendas to consider, such as producing maximum profits. Also, the media can take its obligatory role, often referred to as the â€Å"fourth estate,† to an extreme. John McManus, a former newspaper reporter and current professor at Santa Clara University researching the social responsibility of news media, specifically uses this term in his book Market-Driven Journalism: Let the Citizen Beware? to explain the media’s ideal role as the fourth branch of the government. The media is meant to participate in our system of checks and balances and check the government to ensure that it does not withhold too much power from the people. However, this can pose a problem if the media tries too hard to keep a check on the government and ends up transcending its role as the fourth estate and becoming cynical of the government. These market-driven characteristics and overzealous tendencies are conveyed in the media’s choice and presentation of language.

Analysis of Prince Hamlets Character in William Shakespeares Play Ess

Analysis of Hamlet in William Shakespeare's Play Shakespeare's Hamlet is at the outset a typical revenge play. However, it is possible to see Prince Hamlet as a more complex character as he can be seen as various combinations of a weak revenger, a tragic hero and a political misfit. In order to fully understand the world in which Hamlet finds himself, it is necessary to examine all three of these roles and either dismiss them or justify Hamlet's behavior as a revenger. As a tragic hero, Hamlet displays many typical qualities of a traditional hero in a Elizabethan revenge tragedy. Hamlet is the Prince of Denmark and therefore belongs to a social elite. Hamlet can be described as being too noble to take revenge. As a very well educated scholar of Wittenberg University in Sweden he has to think extensively before taking revenge. He feels the need to question revenge yet he is reluctant to do so rashly without considerable thought "thus conscience does make cowards of us all". We see that this happens in the first few moments of the play when Hamlet doubts the ghost is his father and he needs further prompting and reassurance throughout the play "So art thou to revenge, when thou shalt hear". Hamlet constantly rationalises and stops himself from acting with any degree of passion. This could be seen either as a weakness or as a personal strength. Hamlet can and is frequently described, as a man with a tragic flaw, this being that his tendency to contemplate his actions is not a positive quality but that instead this brings about his downfall. Hamlet appears to many critics to be too much of an intellectual to play the role as a typ... ...d lead to a great deal of isolation with his native Denmark. Apart from Horatio, Hamlet cannot trust anyone, which increases his sense of isolation. My view is that Hamlet fits all the three categories well and that not one of the views: weak revenger, tragic, hero or political misfit, classifies him accurately. He is a combination of all three and at times vacillates between weak revenger and tragic hero, making him particularly venerable and open to attack. The political problems in Denmark are a contributing factor which simply lead Hamlet to his death but have no bearing on his ability to be either a tragic hero or a weak revenger. I think that Hamlet is a tragic hero with a fatal flaw that he think to much, and is too introspective that ultimately leads to his own and other friends and family members' death. Analysis of Prince Hamlet's Character in William Shakespeare's Play Ess Analysis of Hamlet in William Shakespeare's Play Shakespeare's Hamlet is at the outset a typical revenge play. However, it is possible to see Prince Hamlet as a more complex character as he can be seen as various combinations of a weak revenger, a tragic hero and a political misfit. In order to fully understand the world in which Hamlet finds himself, it is necessary to examine all three of these roles and either dismiss them or justify Hamlet's behavior as a revenger. As a tragic hero, Hamlet displays many typical qualities of a traditional hero in a Elizabethan revenge tragedy. Hamlet is the Prince of Denmark and therefore belongs to a social elite. Hamlet can be described as being too noble to take revenge. As a very well educated scholar of Wittenberg University in Sweden he has to think extensively before taking revenge. He feels the need to question revenge yet he is reluctant to do so rashly without considerable thought "thus conscience does make cowards of us all". We see that this happens in the first few moments of the play when Hamlet doubts the ghost is his father and he needs further prompting and reassurance throughout the play "So art thou to revenge, when thou shalt hear". Hamlet constantly rationalises and stops himself from acting with any degree of passion. This could be seen either as a weakness or as a personal strength. Hamlet can and is frequently described, as a man with a tragic flaw, this being that his tendency to contemplate his actions is not a positive quality but that instead this brings about his downfall. Hamlet appears to many critics to be too much of an intellectual to play the role as a typ... ...d lead to a great deal of isolation with his native Denmark. Apart from Horatio, Hamlet cannot trust anyone, which increases his sense of isolation. My view is that Hamlet fits all the three categories well and that not one of the views: weak revenger, tragic, hero or political misfit, classifies him accurately. He is a combination of all three and at times vacillates between weak revenger and tragic hero, making him particularly venerable and open to attack. The political problems in Denmark are a contributing factor which simply lead Hamlet to his death but have no bearing on his ability to be either a tragic hero or a weak revenger. I think that Hamlet is a tragic hero with a fatal flaw that he think to much, and is too introspective that ultimately leads to his own and other friends and family members' death.

Miracle Gro Lab Report

Miracle Gro Lab: Discussion and Conclusion The purpose of this lab was to determine which concentration of Miracle Gro was ideal for the germination of seeds. I hypothesized that the 1. 25% concentration of Miracle Gro would allow the plant to grow the fastest, unfortunately, my data does not support my hypothesis. According to the information we collected, the amount of concentration with the fastest speed and greatest height of growth was the 0% with plain tap water (control group).Two days after â€Å"planting,† my group measured the seed with the greatest rate of growth: 0% exhibited 2. 5 cm of growth, 1. 25% had 0. 9 cm, 2. 5% showed 1. 2 cm, 3. 75% displayed 0. 8 cm, and 5% had 0. 5cm of growth. As evidenced by the data collected, the height of the sprout decreases as the percent of concentration increases. We checked the growth of our mung bean seeds a second time and we observed the results: 0% exhibited 15 cm of growth showing signs of growth through its stalk, roots, and leaves. The 1. 5% and 2. 5% both grew 2 cm and began sprouting a stalk. The 3. 75% and 5% turned dark brown and appeared to have shrunk which are signs that the seed’s embryo is dead. The data did not match our expected data, because the Miracle Gro had some way prevented the imbibition of the seed which is why the 3. 75% and 5% died. Imbibition is a critical developmental process in seeds and our control group with only water demonstrated the most successful amount of growth. We experienced a number of errors in our experiment.Sources of error were human interaction, inaccurate measurements, and incorrectly handling the seeds and materials. In the future, these problems can be avoided by interfering with the plastic bags that contained the seeds, adding the most accurate amount of solute as possible, or making sure that we don’t crush the seeds or the towel that was inserted in the bag. Ideas for future experimentation would be to plant the seeds outside so that the sun would be used as the light source, testing different plant-growing solutions, and analyze the growth over a longer period of time.Overall, the seeds without the Miracle Gro proved to grow greater than those with added Miracle Gro. Compared to the varying concentrations, the height of growth increased as the percentage of concentration decreased. To apply this experiment to real life, average planters or farmers could be able to grow their plants without any added growth supplements and it’d prove to grow sufficiently, due to the fact that the controlled experiment contained the healthiest growth.

How does Steinbeck present the character of Crooks in chapter 4? Essay

Chapter 4 of the ‘Of Mice and Men’ novella introduces a character named Crooks. Crooks isn’t shown as a main character of the story, but is given much light in this chapter. Crooks is a black man set on a 1930’s ranch, working as a stable buck. Steinbeck presents the Character of Crooks to us as he wouldn’t of been considered during the times of the ‘Great Depression’ and shows us the negative stereotypes of black people in an American 1930’s society. Crooks is a minority character introduced in chapter 4. Page 66 reads â€Å"negro stable buck.† Crooks’ character is introduced exactly the way he would be seen by other ranch workers. Steinbeck’s intentions of presenting Crooks for the first time to us in this way, is to give us the outline of the black workers of 1930’s America. Steinbeck wanted us to instantly recognise the prejudice black people faced before we got to know his character. A white person of the 1930’s would of saw Crooks as a black worker and nothing. Steinbeck chose to introduce Crooks’ character in the way people then would of saw him to the way we continue to see him as we learn the extent of his character. Steinbeck gives careful detail of Crooks’ room. At the beginning of chapter 4, page 66 reads â€Å"a long box filled with straw, on which his blankets were flung.† Crooks’ bunk is described as an untidy and uncomfortable place to rest, much similar to the animal’s with whom he shares the harness room with. The importance of Crooks’ room is to demonstrate the segregation of America in the 1930’s. As Crooks is a black man he isn’t allowed to sleep in the bunk house with the white workers. In addition, nobody considers Crooks’ disablement, when leaving him to live in these inhumane conditions because he was a black man who they saw had no standing. Crooks’ room suggests the means of his life. The description of his room, on page 66 reads â€Å"which hung broken harness in process of being mended.† This suggests that Crooks has no separation from his working life to his personal life. Linking back to the previous point, segregation of the white men and  the black men consequences Crooks to remain in the harness room where he works. Therefore, his life revolves around the four walls of his room merely swapping from his work to his rest in an uncomfortable bed. Crooks is presented to us an intelligent man despite his race. On page 67 of chapter 4, the description states â€Å"a mauled copy of the California Civil Code 1905.† This is proof that Crooks is able to read, which suggests his intelligence, but also shows us he is aware of the rights he is entitled to as a black man. Furthermore, because Crooks knows his rights and standing, he understands that he is a minority among the ranch workers as he is the only black worker. Crooks is a lonely character amongst the ranch workers. Nearer the beginning of the chapter, amongst Lennie’s entrance, on page 68 Crooks states â€Å"Don‘t come in a place where you‘re not wanted.† Crooks is shown being harsh to Lennie, and trying to push him away. This suggests that Crooks’ loneliness has caused him to no longer accept any kindness, whether its from a white or black man. However, because of the segregation between the black and white workers, Crooks seems to be talking to himself rather than to Lennie. This is suggested by Crooks, already being aware of the discrimination he faces by being excluded from the bunk house with the white workers, he is ’not wanted’ by them which is exactly what he says to Lennie. Crooks comes across as defensive towards Lennie being in his room. He states on page 68, â€Å"I got a right to have a light.† He is very quick in his response to Lennie. Crooks does this because he is afraid of being hurt by anyone, holding a barrier up towards the other workers who already discriminate him. He being the ethnic minority, more than likely considers any comment to be a personal criticism of a black man’s room. This is symbolic and he declares having a light is a basic human right he is entitled to. Lennie being mentally much less able gives the ideal opportunity to help exercise some authority in Crooks‘ life. Page 71 for instance, â€Å"S’pose George don’t come back no more. (†¦) What’ll you do then?† is terminative. By  this stage of the chapter, there has been a power shift. Crooks is fully aware of the distress this would cause Lennie, as he would struggle to manage alone. The terminative comments are cruel and are linked to his jealousy of the companionship of George and Lennie, page 71 one quotes a â€Å"private victory† and even pleasure in some way. Steinbeck is presenting the bad streak that loneliness is drawing from Crooks, as a minority character. Being in most ways isolated, Crooks has excitement and great curiosity due to his desperation for social interaction. In chapter 4, page 69, he questions Lennie, â€Å"You travel around’ with George don’t ya?†. Crooks is being shown as curious and nosy into Lennie’s relationship with George. However, this is suggesting more into Crooks enjoyment into having a conversation with someone other than himself, by asking questions he keeps the interaction going because he isn’t used to having company. Crooks continues to hide his excitement upon Candy‘s arrival. Page 74 of chapter 4 sees Candy‘s entrance to Crooks‘ room, â€Å"You can come in if you want.† Crooks’ reply to Candy is less defensive than previously, as Lennie’s child-like kindness has created a domino effect. This is showing him to be much more welcoming, which suggests he doesn’t want to be obvious about his excitement. Crooks is at ease as his barrier is broken down, and his excitement is buried whilst he still craves the conversation Crooks is faced with racial prejudice from Curley’s wife in chapter 4. For example, page 80 reads â€Å"Listen. Nigger (†¦) You know what I can do to you if you open your trap?† Curley’s wife brings trouble to his door, thinking she has the moral high ground, power to play god in his life. Steinbeck’s intentions were to show how being a ‘nigger’ is a human being portrayed as simply nothing, having no traits, or feelings. Crooks has no standing and is powerless as a minority. Any defence he may put forward would not even be heard, because of the racial prejudice he faces. As the story unfolds Crooks becomes very pessimistic in his outlook towards the American dreams of Ranch Workers. Chapter 4, page 73 Crooks states â€Å"They come, an‘ they quit an‘ they go on; an‘ every damn one of ‘em’s got a little  piece of land in his head.† Crooks’ views are very pessimistic but also realistic, as he has experienced dream after dream after dream that has failed. Steinbeck presents Crooks with cynical views at this point of the chapter, which supports Crooks‘ understanding that loneliness drives you to insanity. Crooks feels nostalgic about his childhood. Page 70 shows Crooks tell Lennie â€Å"The white kids come to play at our place (†¦) some of them was pretty nice.† This suggests his nostalgic feelings, making him vulnerable at this stage. Willingly disclosing such a personal memory helps with our understanding of this character, he is wise and able to distinguish the fact that not all white people are racist. This is a contrasting point in the chapter, as we understand Crooks’ want for social acceptance, because during his childhood he wasn’t exposed to the racial discrimination he faces at his present day. Crooks needs a dream to give him hope during the great depression of the 1930’s. Page 73 of chapter 4 reads â€Å"Had a strawberry patch. Had an alfalfa patch.† This shows us Crooks’ childhood of him already experiencing the land, which suggests Crooks’ understanding of the freedom of the American dream lifestyle the ranch workers want. Furthermore, the use of the repeated word ‘had’ suggests that Steinbeck has written George and Lennie’s dream in reverse through Crooks’ childhood. Crooks character has a need for companionship due to his loneliness. Page 73 of chapter 4 sees Crooks explaining to Lennie â€Å"If some guy was with me, he could tell me I was asleep, an‘ then it would be all right.† Crooks is trying to emphasize the fact he has no reassurance when he has bad dreams or pessimistic thoughts. This shows Crooks’ character dwelling on how alone he is without anyone to talk to or interact with. Companionship creates confidence in Crooks’ character. Page 77 shows Crooks in defence to Curley’s Wife â€Å"We don’t want no trouble.† The use of the word ’we’ shows Crooks having confidence to defend himself alongside Candy and Lennie. This shows that having companionship makes Crooks’ character more confident. Furthermore, this suggests that after Crooks lets his barrier  down to Candy and Lennie, and starting to have hope, Crooks could gain companionship by achieving the American dream. In conclusion, Steinbeck’s character of Crooks is used to convey the effects of racial oppression and loneliness for black people during 1930’s America. Using his situation on the ranch to give us a glimpse of society and the realism. Steinbeck presents Crooks on a personal level in chapter 4. He does this by letting us experience the racism and discrimination Crooks receives for being black, not so much disabled, after we get to know and understand the intelligence and extent of his character. Therefore, our emotions are heightened and we are led to feel sympathy for Crooks.